A LETTER 

ON 

THE MORAL CAUSES 

THAT HAVE PRODUCED 

THE EVIL SPIEIT OP THE TIMES; 

ADDRESSED TO 

THE HONORABLE JAMES HARPER, 

MAYOR OF NEW-YORK. 

INCLUDING ^ 

A VINDICATION OF THE AUTHOR 

FROM THE 

INFAMOUS CHARGES MADE AGAINST HIM BY JAS. GORDON BENNETT 
WILLIAM L. STONE, AND OTHERS. 

BY THE RIGHT REV. DR. HUGHES, 

BISHOP OF NEW YORK. " 



'~ ' mm. 






J. WINCHESTER, NEW WORLD p^^"-^^'-^'^^-^^ 



XXX ANN STREET. 






rf?' 






TO THE 



HONOEABLE JAMES HARPEH, 



MAYOR OF NEW-YORK. 



'^ : I am in the receipt of a letter from a young " Native American," 

' with his proper name, in which he advises me, that he has pro- 

himself with a "poniard," by which I am " to bite the dust." If 

i not put his name to this document I should have destroyed it, 

rule is with all anonymous communications, without even glan- 

oiJ!:^ . its contents. I cannot answer such a correspondent ; but, placing 

his it Ler in your hands, if you wish it, I shall pursue the even tenor of 

nr- .y, to be found wherever my duties as a Catholic Bishop, and a 

of the United States, require me to be. I hope that I am at peace 

)d — know that I am at peace, so far as in me lies, with all men ; . 

and thus, I am ready to yield my life into the hands of its adorable 

Author, when, and as. He may dispose. 

But if my correspondent should execute his own prophecy, as he says, 
I deem it proper to have put on record such matters as are due to my 
reputation, and to my country, at a moment like the present. I shall be 
somewhat tedious, but I bespeak your patience — for I wish to say all, and 
it may not be so convenient at another time. _ I shall use no term of re- 
proach or bitterness, in reference to matters of recent occurrence, on 
which too many here have already been uttered. No man deplores more 
deeply the melancholy results of intemperate discussion, whether on one 
side or on the other, in a sister capital, than I do ; and for months past, 
it has been my study to avert similar scenes in this city. From the mo- 
ment when a new party was commenced, based on the principle of hos- 
tility to a particular religion and to foreigners, even the naturalized, I 



anticipated the results with the deepest apprehension, for the peace of the 
conmiunity and the honor of the country. Not that I dispute the right 
of men, in the abstract, to form thennselves into combinations on any 
principle, which their duty to their country sanctions ; but topics of this 
description were, as I conceived, too exciting in their nature. From a 
very early period, I prevented the only papers which affect to represent 
Catholic interests, from opposing either the principles or the progress, of 
the party. When the private interests, or enterprise, of individuals, urged 
them to establish newspapers, intended expressly to oppose the progress 
of " Native Americanism," and to uphold the constitutional rights of 
foreigners, of all religions, I peremptorily refused to give either patronage 
or approbation — foreseeing, as I imagined, to what point such antagonism 
must lead. I even caused certain articles to be published, which should 
fall under the eyes of a large portion of my own flock, and which might 
caution them against the temptation of retaliating insult, in arraying 
themselves in opposition to the principles of this new party. I caused 
them to be thus reminded that, if those principles were wrong, time and 
the good sense of the community, would be the best remedy; while 
Catholics, and above all Irish Catholics, were entirely unfitted to apply a 
corrective. I had the consolation to witness the good effects of this advice 
— so that boys and young men could march, even in the night, through 
streets almost entirely occupied by Irish Catholics, with fife and drum 
before them, and with illumined banners bearing such inscriptions as that 
of " No Popery " — as a public and political device. It is not for me to 
say whether the Native American party had, or had not, a right to adopt 
such devices, and display them through such a population. But even 
supposing they had the right, was there not something due to the weak- 
ness of poor human nature ? — to the religious rights and feelings of men, 
under our Constitution ? — to the peculiar susceptibility of the Irish, and 
especially in reference to this identical subject, which i-eminded them of 
the hereditary degradation, from which they thought to have escaped 
when they touched these shores ? 

I am grateful to Almighty God, that notwithstanding these injudicious 
exhibitions, no accident or disturbance has occurred, during the. pro- 
gress of the movements which have placed you in your present hon- 
orable station. And I would to God ! that under all provocation, a similar 
forbearance had been practiced in Philadelphia. Yet, notwithstanding 



all my solicitude and efforts — so feverish and morbid — so bewildered 
and diseased, had the public mind become, in certain quarters, on the 
subject of Popery, that a lie of not more than five lines, circulated through 
any of our papers, vrhich might desire to create riots, would have been 
sufficient to have produced the most fearful results. 

My name and character were assailed in every public meeting of youi 
special constituents. I was abused as a politician ; — as a meddler with 
the laws ; — as an intriguer with parties ; and a man not only capable, but 
actually designing to invade the liberties of the country. The fearful 
crisis, which I claim the merit of having prevented, in this city, but 
which has left its melancholy stigma in another city, equally dear to me, 
has rendered these calumnies against my character so important, that I 
now meet my accusers in the triumphant manner which 5^ou will see, 
before the close of this communication. But before I enter further upon 
my subject, I must tell you a few words respecting myself, which, being 
of so little importance to the public at large, I shall make as brief as 
possible. It is twenty-seven years since I came to this country. I 
became a citizen, therefore, as soon as my majority of age and other 
circumstances, permitted. My early ancestors were from Wales ; and 
very possibly shared with Strongbow and his companions, in the plunder 
which rewarded the first successful invaders of lovely, but unfortunate 
Ireland. Of course, from the time of their conversion from Paganism, 
they were Catholics. You, sir, who must be acquainted with the melan- 
choly annals of religious intolerance in Ireland, may remember that, 
when a traitor to his country, and for what I know, to his creed, also, 
wished to make his peace to the Irish government of Queen Elizabeth, 
McMahon, Prince of Monnaghan, the traitor's work, which he volunteered 
to accomplish, was "to root out the whole Sept of the Hughes.^' He did 
not, however, succeed in destroying them, although he " rooted them out ;" 
proving, as a moral for future times, that persecution cannot always ac- 
complish what it proposes. In the year 1817, a descendant of the Sept 
of the Hughes, came to the United States of America. He was the son 
of a farmer of moderate but comfortable means. He landed on these 
shores, friendless, and with ibut a few guineas in his purse. He never 
received of the charity of any man ; he never borrowed of any man 
without repaying ; he never had more than a few dollars at a time ; he 
never had a patron, in the Church or out of it ; and it is he, who has the 
honor to address you now, as Catholic Bishop of New- York. 



6 

I am awaro that a certain lady, who writes for one of the Boston 
papers, has given both her own name and mine, in connection with 
the statement, that I " entered the service of Bishop Dubois, as a gar- 
denor, and that lie, having discovered in me the stuff which Bishops 
and Cardinals are made of, with intellect enough to have governed the 
Church in its most prosperous times, educated me on the strength of this 
discovery." I would just remark with all respect for this amiable, but, 
as I must say, silly lady, that she is mistaken, and exhibits only the •' stuff 
the Boston papers are made of." My connection with Bishop Dubois 
was in virtue of a regular contract between us, in which neither was 
required to acknowledge any obligation to the other. I, however, felt 
the kindness of that very able and saintly Prelate, and the friendship 
which included me with so many other young men to whom it was 
extended. I entered the college the first day, an utter stranger to 
Bishop Dubois until then. I was to superintend the garden, as a com- 
pensation for my expenses in the house, until a vacancy should occur, by 
which I might be appointed a teacher for such classes as I should be fit 
to take charge of. I continued in this way, during the first nine 
months of my stay at the college, prosecuting my studies under a pri- 
vate preceptor. The rest of my time, between seven and eight years, 
I continued to prosecute my own studies, and at the same time, to teach 
the classes that were assigned to me. At the end of that period, I was 
ordained Priest, and stationed in Philadelphia. Here my public life 
commenced. After eleven years from this time, I was sent, not by my 
own choice, to be the Assistant Bishop of New- York. I had formed, 
during these years, friendships, ever to be cherished, in many of the 
most respectable families, Protestant as well as Catholic, in Phila- 
delphia. I refer to them, without distinction of creed, for what was my 
character, as a clergyman and as a citizen. If, sir, you will weigh all 
these circumstances, you will perceive immediately, that were I a 
person of the character assigned to me, in the late denunciations of 
those who assail me, it is hardly probable that I should be now occupy- 
ing, by the judgment of others, the situation in which I am placed. I 
am a citizen. I understand the rights of a citizen, and the duties also. 
I understand the genius, and constitution, and history of the country. My 
feelino-s, and habits, and thoughts, have been so much indentified with 
all that is American ; that I had almost forgotten I was a foreigner, un 



til recent circumstances have brought it too painfully to my recollection. 
This, and other matters yet to be treated of, must be my apology for 
bringing into public notice, anything so uninteresting as my personal or 
private affairs. The retrospect, however, has brought back to my mind 
the recollections of youth. I perceived then, that the intolerance of my 
own country had left me no inheritance, except that of a name which, 
though humble, was untarnished. In the future, the same intolerance 
was a barrier to every hope, in my native land ; and there was but one 
other country, in which I was led to believe the rights and privileges of 
citizen rendered all men equal. I can even now remember my reflec- 
tions, on first beholding the American flag. It never crossed my mind 
that a time might come, when that flag, the emblem of the freedom just 
alluded to, should be divided, by apportioning its stars to the citizens of 
native birth, and its stripes only, as the portion of the foreigner. I was 
of course but young and inexperienced ; and yet, even recent events 
have not diminished my confidence in that ensign of civil and religious 
liberty. It is possible that I was mistaken : but still I clung to the delu- 
sion, if it be one, and as I trusted to that flag, on a Nation's faith — I think 
it more likely that its stripes will disappear, altogether ; and that before 
it shall be employed as an instrument of bad faith, toward the foreigners 
of every land — the v/hite portions will hJjish into crimson ; and then, the 
glorious stars alone will remain. 

Since my arrival in New- York, my public and private life has been 
devoted sedulously to the duties of my station. One of the first things 
that struck me, as a deplorable circumstance in the condition of my flock, 
was the ignorance and vice to which the children of Catholic and emi- 
grant parents, were exposed. I had the simplicity to believe, that in 
endeavoring to elevate them to virtue and usefulness, through the means 
of education, I should be at once rendering a service to them, and dis- 
charging a duty to my country, the latter of which, especially, would be 
appreciated, by good men of all creeds. I intended to take such mea- 
sures as might be necessary for this purpose on my return from Europe, 
in the year 1840, without however having exchanged, as far as I recol- 
lect, opinions with any one on that subject. But I found, on my return, 
that it had been sufficient to attract the attention of the public authorities, 
and had become a public topic in the annual message of the Governor of 
this State. I found also, that like other topics of that date, it was instant- 



8 

ly turned into a political question, even by the people who had not — though 
most interested — the discernment to understand the patriotism and human- 
ity by which it had been dictated. Meetings had been held on the sub- 
ject ; intemperate language had been used ; disorder, almost amounting 
to violence, had characterized those meetings ; and for these reasons 1 
resolved to attend them in person — expressly for the purpose of keeping 
out an unfortunate class of political underlings, who had been accustomed 
to traffic in their simplicity. In these meetings held from time to time 
the question was discussed — the imperfect education afforded by our own 
charity schools — the vast numbers that could not be received at them, 
and would not be sent to the schools of the Public School Society — on ac- 
count of the strong anti-Catholic tendencies which they manifested, through 
the medium of objectionable books, prejudiced teachers, and sectarian in- 
fluences. This was followed by a respectful petition to the Common 
Council of the city. Before that Council I was permitted to state the 
greivance complained of. A discussion took place, growing out of re- 
monstrances against the petition, and it was finally rejected by almost a 
unanimous vote. This, the portion of the people who considered them- 
selves aggrieved in the matter, had anticipated. But this was necessary 
— before submitting the case to the Legislature of the State. In due time 
however, petitions were forwarded, signed by a large number of citizens. 
Catholics and Protestants, natives as well as foreigners. The prayer of 
this petition was received favorably, because it seemed to be but reason- 
able and just. A bill to remedy the evil was drawn up, I think, by the 
superintendent of schools, and if I am not mistaken, passed the House of 
Representatives. It was at the close of the session, and lost in the other 
House. Of the fitness of its provisions to remedy the evil I am altogether 
unable to speak. But it was believed by all, that the Legislature, as 
soon as it could understand the nature of the grievance, and the necessity 
for a remedy, would not fail to remove the one, and provide for the other. 
Accordingly the question, notwithstanding the many folds of misrepresenta- 
tion and prejudice in which its numerous opponents endeavored to involve 
it, was making much progress in the public mind. Meetings continued 
to be held from time to time — with open doors and free admission — Pro- 
testarjs, as well as Catholics, attended, and sometimes took part. I 
attended them all, expressly for the purpose of seeing that politics should 
not be introduced. Matters thus progressed — the advocates of the mea- 



9 

sure being divided, according to their predilections between one party and 
another. But the opponents of the measure in the meantime — numerous 
and zealous as they were, had not been idle, but had presented the ques- 
tion to the public in every false light that ingenuity could devise, as may 
be seen by reference to whole pages of calumnies, at that time, about a 
" Union of Church and State," etc., which have been refuted and for- 
gotten. 

Just previous to the election — when, as it appears, parties had made 
their nominations for the Legislature, the opponents of education (except 
with infringement of conscience) called upon the voters of both parties, 
to send no one to Albany, unless such as should give a pledge before elec- 
tion, to refuse the prayer of the petitioners. For this fact, I refer to edi- 
torials of that date of the Commercial Advertiser, and the Journal of 
Commerce, among other papers of the city. This plan was acted upon 
instantly, and to an extent which left the petitioners no alternative but to 
vote for men, pledged in their face, to refuse what they regarded as simple 
justice. Hence, in spite of all my efforts to prevent it, the question for- 
ced itself, in a political form, on the attention of the people, who claimed 
one thing — namely, education without another thing — namely, the viola- 
tion of their conscience ; but which, the Commercial Advertiser and its 
allies would not allow to be separated. The very last meeting of the 
friends of education, previous to the election, was the moment when this 
unworthy stratagem came under public attention. A number of individ- 
uals, who were versed in these matters, had, however, taken the precau- 
tion to ascertain, that certain candidates had refused to sign the pledge ; 
and were ready to go to Albany free, to vote for the prayer of the peti- 
tioners or, against it, as their own sense of justice toward their constituents 
might diciate. Others had already given their promise against it. These 
persons t n suggested that names, without any hope of election but sim- 
ply to ex : oise the right of voting on, should be substituted to make up 
the defic' cy. I claimed it as my right — I regarded it as my duty, on 
that occ m, to urge those who were friendly to a large portion of the 
neglecte; lildren of New-York, to vote for no man who had prejudged 
their ca. in the hope of being elected ; and who had bound himself to 
refuse t! the protection of the laws, whatever might be the justice of 
their ca> My argument was this — urged with all the limited powers 

of reasoi '• that I possessed ; that they deserved the injustice and deg- 

1* 



10 

rada : tliey complained, if they voted for judges publicly 

pleu£, nd to pass sentence against them. Of course, in a 

speech of some twenty minutes, I must have developed this argument, and 
presented it in every variety of form, capable of making it understood, 
and pointing out the more liberal attitude of those who, as not being 
pledged in favor of either side, were left free, to do impartial justice in 
the premises. If this was a political speech, then have I made one po- 
litical speech, in my life. There were high-minded, well-educated, and 
honorable Protestant gentlemen present, and to whom I appeal with con- 
fidence that — twisted or turned, by perverse ingenuity as it might be, my 
speech amounted to the principle, just laid down — to the development of 
it, and nothing more. But there was a reporter of Bennett's there, who 
made such a speech as he thought proper — which was afterward, as I 
have reason to believe, fitted up for the purpose of producing one of Ben- 
nett's " tremendous excitements," and making " the Herald always the 
most enterprising paper of New-York." Having taken this report — hav- 
ing studded it with the gems of its own ribaldry, and made some half a 
column of editorial comments, in that mock gravity of which Bennett is 
capable, the Herald of the next morning became the basis and fountain, 
of all the vituperation, calumny, and slander, which have been heaped 
on " Bishop Hughes," throughout the United States, from that day until 
this. From the Herald, the report was copied into the Commercial Ad- 
vertiser of that afternoon — the editor, Col. Stone, taking special care to 
substitute the word a " morning print," instead of Bennett's Herald, lest 
his own views of the question might be injuriously affected by the char- 
acter of his authority, if that authority were known. Then followed the 
commentaries and columns of abuse which filled the other papers, and ran 
throughout the country, each editor adding (particularly, while the delu- 
sion lasted,) his own' editorial for the benefit of his readers. I must, how- 
ever, do several of the city papers the justice to say, that either more 
honest or better informed, than their colleagues of the press, they under- 
stood the question, and declined to take any part in the hue and cry that 
was so malignantly raised about it. It is equally due to truth to say 
also, that several others, after they discovered their mistake, retreated 
from the position which they had first assumed. 

But the occasion was too good for the purposes of certain parties, not to 
be improved for their ulterior designs. Accordingly, as the occupants of 



11 

many of the pulpits of the city, had entertained thei ■ .ns with 

political sermons on the school question, for month! also for 

months after, whatever might be the text from the Bible, the abuse of the 
Catholic religion, under the nickname of popery, together with all the 
slang, and all the calumnies furnished by the New- York Herald, the 
Commei'cial Advertiser, the Journal of Commerce, and other papers of 
that stamp, was sure to make up the body of the sermon. By this process 
the minds of the people were excited, their passions inflamed, their credu- 
lity imposed upon, and their confidence perverted. Then came the new 
party. It is impossible that the training of the pulpits should not have pre- 
disposed a large number of persons to join in the movement, which they 
had been taught to believe as a duty of their religion. Who can read 
without horror the denunciations, the slanders, the infuriated appeals, 
which have been spoken and written ; in which Heaven and earth have 
been mingled together in a confusion of rhetoric and passion, to promote 
the objects of this new combination. It has succeeded in our city, and I 
for one, am not sorry at it. But at the same time, if that portion of the 
citizens who have been so atrociously abused, had not had the good sense, 
the patriotism, the love of order, which enabled them to restrain them- 
selves, even under the greatest insults that can be offered to the feelings 
of men, it is impossible to tell what might have been the consequence. 
Closing, then, this sketch of the question in so much as it relates to 
others, I shall now call your attention to something which is personal to 
myself. 

Sir, I pretend, and I think I shall be able to prove to you, that these 
slanders, originating in Bennett's Herald, the Commercial Advertiser, the 
''Journal of Commerce, the New- York Sun, and for a moment, (but for a 
moment only,) the Evening Post — that these slanders — repeated, embel- 
lished, enlarged, and evangelized from many of the pulpits of the city — 
that these slanders, re-echoed in the public lectures of the Rev. Mr. Chce- 
ver and other clergymen of his spirit — that these slanders — forming the 
staple of political excitement, in the association which placed you in the 
honorable chair you occupy, and which I am happy to say, as far as I 
know, you are worthy to fill : — I think I shall be able to prove that all 
these slanders, I say, were, and are, and will be to eternity — slanders, and 
nothing more. You, of course, will be astonished at reading this declara- 
tion. You will think it impossible that so many respectable editors, so 



12 

many eloquent orators, and, above all, so many grave and Rev. Divines, 
should have united in deceiving the people of New-York — from the press, 
from the rostrum, from the pulpit; by denouncing Bishop Hughes as an 
enemy of the Bible — as an intriguer with political parties — as a blackener 
of the public school-books — if Bishop Hughes had not given them cause 
to build such accusations in the foundations of truth — and yet, sii', there 
is no truth either in the foundation or the superstructure. I now call upon 
these editors, orators, and clergymen, to stand forth and furnish the facts, 
proving the truth of one single charge against me. I am aware that 
tracing up these falsehoods to their foundation, the public, who have been 
so long deceived, will refer to the testimony and the denunciations of cer- 
tain clergymen, who are zealous for the Bible, but unfortunately little 
acquainted with the charitable and mild spirit which the Bible inculcates. 
If I ask litem, why they misled, possibly without intending it, their flocks 
to such an extent — they will refer me to the public newspapers. If I 
call on the editors of these public newspapers, it will be found that they 
copied, one from another, until you reach the second link, who is Colonel 
Stone of the Commercial Advertiser ; and he will tell me that he took it 
from a " morning print," that print being no other than Bennett's Herald. 
Of course, this does not touch the original article in the Commercial Ad- 
vertiser, less scurrilous, but more injurious than those of Bennett himself 
in as much as Colonel Stone is looked upon as a highly respectable man. 
Of the Journal of Commerce I shall say nothing, as its editor appears to be 
laboring under a weakness or duplicity of moral vision, for the efTects, and 
defects, of which he is, perhaps, scarcely accountable. But I have traced 
these calumnies now to their primary witnesses — James Gordon Bennett 
and Wm. L. Stone. 

It may be asked — in the supposition here made — why I submitted in 
silence to these slanders for so long a time. My answers are, in the first 
place, that my duties left me but little time to attend to them. Secondly, 
that if I refuted one calumny to-day, I should have to refute another to- 
morrow. Thirdly, that one class of my editorial assailants was what 
men usually call too contemptible, and another class too bigotted, to make 
it worth while. But I confess that the principal reason, in my mind, was 
the very honorable philosophy of an observation which I heard manv 
years ago of the late estimable Bishop White, in Philadelphia. His re- 
mark was to this effect : that such is the character of the American peo- 



13 

pie, that no man, who takes care to be always in the right, can ever ulti- 
mately be put down by calumny — whatever may be its temporary effects. 
This was his answer, and his plea for the licentiousness of the press in its 
attacks upon individuals. And hence he inferred, that owing to the love 
of justice and fair play, which he conceived to be a strong element of 
the American character, every honest man can easily afford to " live 
down " a calumny. This remark struck me very much, at the time ; 
and wherever the question became merely personal to myself, I have in- 
variably acted on the principle — while my own experience, of now nearly 
twenty years, of public life, has only confirmed its soundness and its 
truth. These are my reasons for having allowed the calumnies against 
Bishop Hughes to remain so long uncontradicted ; — while I never let an 
opportunity pass of meeting, and exposing and refuting, the misrepresen- 
tations which were directed against the civil and religious rights of that 
portion of our citizens to whom I wished to see extended the blessings of 
education. 

It has been a matter of speculation among many in this city, to solve 
the motive for the constant, the varying, malignity of Mr. Bennett against 
Bishop Hughes. Some have supposed that he was kept in bribe for the 
purpose ; others have ascribed it to revenge : — which, though strong, is 
said to be in slavish subjection to avarice — in that man's breast. But of 
all whose opinion has reached me upon the subject, there is not one who 
believes it to be gratuitous. I express no opinion on the subject myself. 
I shall enter into no abuse of this unfortunate man ; but as those who are 
inclined to believe that he is actuated by revenge, have told me that he 
ascribes the reception he met with from Daniel O'Connell to my agency, 
and as I do not deem it necessary that even he should be under a mis- 
take, on that subject ; I will assign what I look upon as the key of expla- 
nation, to the somewhat rude treatment which he received in a land cel- 
ebrated for its hospitality, and where every decent man — from America 
especially, is received with a full heart of Irish welcome. It will make 
a little episode in this communication ; but I have no doubt that this fact 
at least, will be interesting to the public not only in America, but also in 
Great Britain, and all Europe. Four years ago I was introduced to Dan- 
iel O'Connell, in London. This was at my own request, for I wished, 
having then the opportunity, to see a man of whom there was more of 
good and of evil — said, than of any other in the world. A few minutes 



14 

after I si vhile the conversation was on mere commonplace 

topics, a id on his part, sufliciently long to make me think 

that I ought to retire. I observed his eyes swimming in tears. This as 
tonished me still more, and I was about to withdraw, when he addressed 
rae, as nearly as I can remember, in the following words — but in a voice 
which, though almost stifled with grief, yet sounded as the softest and 
tenderest that ever struck upon my ears : " Dr. Hughes, I have been 
forty years a public man — I have been engaged in political strife with 
men of every party and of every creed — I am, by all odds, the best abu- 
sed man in the world ; but through all this time neither Tories, nor Whigs, 
nor even Orangemen themselves, ever made an attack on the mother of 
my children. She was mild and gentle ; she was meek and charitable. 
She was loved and respected by friend and foe. My bitterest enemies 
would have spared me, if they could not reach me M'ithout hurting the 
lamb of my bosom. The only attack that ever was made on Mrs. O'- 
Connell, come from your side of the water, and from your city, in a pa- 
per called the New-York Morning Herald. Some mistaken friend, I sup- 
pose, thought to do me a service by sending me the paper. It reached 
me just after Mrs. O'Connell's death. Of course, the poisoned arrow 
missed the gentle heart for which it was intended, but it reached and rested 
in mine." Mr. Bennett was not married, when he wrote this attack on 
the amiable wife and mother ; but those who are husbands and fathers 
can best judge, whether Mr. O'Connell's reception of him, at the Corn 
Exchange, was merited or not. — Whether O'Connell's is the only heart 
that has been wounded, by the " poisoned arrow " aimed at the domestic 
peace of mankind, from the same quarter, it is unnecessary for me to say. 
But, at all events, I think this will satisfy Bennett, that I had nothing to 
do with the kind reception he met with in Dublin. AVhat the motive, 
then, of his hostility toward me is, I am still at a loss to comprehend ; but 
in truth it has given me very little uneasiness. In the hypothesis that he 
has been bribed to abuse me, I presume that a counter-bribe would at once 
double his profits — diminish his labor — and secure his silence ; — but I 
cannot afford it, and even if I could, it should not be given. Now, how- 
ever, I am going to meet Mr. James Gordon Bennett, not in abuse, but as 
my accuser: and with Mr. Bennett as my first accuser, I associate Col. 
Wm. Stone as my second. Let these, by name, represent the whole 
class of editors, orators, and reverend divines who have assailed me, and 
now 1 am prepared to meet them all. 



15 

Either Bishop Hughes has entered into a collusion .n, with 

political agents — or he has not. 

Either he has driven or attempted to drive the Bible from the common 
Schools of New York — or he has not. 

Either he has organized a political party in New- York — or he has not. 

Either he has blackened, or required to be blackened, the public 
school-books of New- York — or he has not. 

Finally, either he has done actions and expressed sentiments, unworthy 
)f a Christian Bishop, and an American citizen — or he has not. 

These are propositions which the plainest capacity is competent to 
mderstand. And now, taking Bishop White's estimate of the American 
jharacter, I am about to constitute the American people, Whigs, Demo- 
srats. Catholics, Protestants, Jews, Gentiles, citizens both of native and 
breign birth, as judges between James Gordon Bennett, and Colonel 
W^illiam L. Stone, on the one side, and Bishop Hughes on the other. I 
hall not anticipate the judgment of the public. I shall merely say that 

believe it will be just, and justice is all that I require. Happily the 
lispute is one, in which sophistry and misrepresentation cannot find place, 
t is a question of facts, and against facts, reasoning is useless. Every 
act, to be susceptible of proof, requires witnesses who can bear testi- 
nony to its truth. Wherever there are witnesses in a case, the thing 
estified to, can be established as having occurred at some given time and 
lace. In a court of justice, if a man swore that he witnessed the occur- 
ence of a fact, and yet could not tell either the time, or the place, of the 
ccurrence, he would be set aside either as perjuring himself, or as being 
leranged. Let my case, then, be judged by these established rules of 
iommon and public justice. I will state my own conduct, as far as it 
las any bearing on the case, in a series of propositions, and in the form 

f FACTS. 

1st Proposition. I have never, in my life, done any action, or uttered a 
lentiment, tending to abridge any human being, of all or any of the 
ights of conscience, which I claim to enjoy myself, under the American 
lonstitution. 

2nd. I have never asked or wished, that any denomination should be 
eprived of the Bible, or such version of the Bible, as that denomination 
onscientiously approved — in our Common or Public Schools. 

3rd. I have never entered into intrigue, or collusion with any political 



IG 

party, or individual — and no political party, or individual, ever ap- 
proached me with so insulting a proposition. 

4th. I have never requested or authorized the " blackening of the pub- 
lie school-books" in the city of New-York. 

5th. hi all my public life in New-York, I have done no action — uttered 
no sentiment, unworthy of a Christian Bishop and an American citizen. 

These are all negative propositions ; and I am not bound to prove a 
negative ; but I. assert these propositions as facts, and if they are not 
true, James Gordon Bennett, William L. Stone, and the other assailants 
of my character, must be in possession of the positive facts which prove 
them false. Let them state the time, and place, where the facts which 
prove them false occurred ; and the witnesses of those facts — and then, I 
join issue, and pledge myself to refute their witnesses. I shall now con- 
tinue my propositions, not in the negative, but in the affirmative form. 

6th Proposition. I have always contended for the right of conscience, 
for all men, as universally as they are recognized in the American Con- 
stitution.. 

7th. I have always preached that every denomination, Jews, Christians, 
Catholics, Protestants, of every sect and shade, were all entitled to the 
entire enjoyment of the freedom of conscience, without let or hindrance, 
from any other denomination, or set of denominations — no matter how 
small their number, or how unpopular the doctrines they professed. 

8th. I have always preached, both publicly and privately, the Chris- 
tian obligation of peace and good will toioardall men, even when they hate 
and persecute us. 

9th. I have been accustomed to pray publicly, in our churches, for 
the constituted authorities of the United States ; for the welfare of my 
fellow-citizens of all denominations, and without distinction ; while James 
Gordon Bennett, and William L. Stone, were, from day to day, exciting 
the hatred of my fellow-citizens against me, and, so far, attempting to 
deprive me of the protection of my country. 

These affirmative propositions, I am bound and prepared to prove, if 
Mr. Bennett and Col. Stone deny them. All the propositions are facts, 
and are to be overthrown, if assailed at all, not by sophistry or argument, 
but by other facts with witnesses, which will prove them untrue. Now, 
therefore, James Gordon Bennett, Wm. L. Stone, and ye other deceivers 
of the public, stand forth and meet Bishop Hughes. But then, come 



17 

brth in no quibbling capacity; — come forth as honest men, as true 
A^merican citizens, with truth in your hearts, and candor on your lips. I 
jnow you can write well — and can multiply words and misrepresent 
ruth ; — this is not the thing that will serve you now. Come forth with 
»^our FACTS. Bishop Hughes places himself in the simple panoply of an 
lonest man, before the American people. He asks no favor — but he 
imply asks, whether the opinion of Bishop White is true, that with the 
American people no man can be put down by calumny. Bring, there- 
ore, your facts to disprove the foregoing negative propositions. Bishop 
Hughes pledges himself to prove those that are affirmative, if you, or any 
lecent man, with his signature will deny them. 

You may, indeed, say that what Bishop Hughes found it his duty to 
Ho, produced, at the time, disturbance among politicians. You may pre- 
end that, therefore, Bisbop Hughes is a politician. If you think so, it 
)nly proves that you are bad logicians. As well might you say that a 
nan who has a purse, is morally guilty of the crime of robbery which 
leprives him of it, on the plea that if he had either staid at home, or 
^one out with empty pockets, the robbery would not have taken place, 
never was, I never will be, a politician. 1 am the pastor of a Christian 
rlock. I am a citizen of a country, whose proudest boast is, that it has 
|Tiade the civil and religious rights of all its citizens equal. As a pastor, 
; was bound to see that the religious rights of my flock should not be 
filched away from them, under pretext of education, and against the Con- 
stitution and laws of my country. I attended the meetings in reference 
that subject, not as a politician, but to exclude men of that class from 
urning a simple question, into a base object. When, in the prosecution 
pf that purpose, no alternative was left to the people long deprived of the 
rights of education, but to vote for candidates, bound by pledges to deny 
them justice, and even refuse them a hearing ; and this on the very eve 
bf the election ; I urged them with all the powers of my mind and heart,' 
to repel the disgusting indignity of this stratagem. I told them to cut 
their way through this circle of fire, with which the opponents of the 
rights of education narrow-mindedly, and ungenerously, surrounded 
them. I told them that they would be signing and sealing their own de- 
gradation, if they voted for men, pledged to refuse them even the chance 
of justice. But then, no party — no individual of any party — had any 
thing to do with the prompting of this advice, but myself. It sprang 



18 

from my own innate sense of duty — my own conception of the rights of 
constituency in a free government. 

Even if it had been political, I should have done nothing more than is 
done by clergymen of other denominations, without exciting the least 
censure or surprise. Let a stranger drop in, accidentally, to some of 
our religious conventions, composed almost entirely of clergymen, and — 
listening for an hour to the debates — he will be tempted to imagine themj 
a committee of Congress deliberating upon the deepest and most perplex- 
ing topics of a political character, involving even the integrity of the] 
country. Let him sit beneath one of our pulpits, and with the omission ' 
of a few party names, he will suppose himself listening to some political 
leader, whose solicitude for the w^clfare of the country is so great, that 
the virtues of the Christian Religion, and man's relations toward God 
and eternity, are forgotten in the higher importance of promoting the in- 
terests of the Nation. If he turn his steps in another direction, he will 
imagine that religion, driven from the pulpits, has fled to the political 
rostrum for protection ; and he will see the Holy Bible itself erected, or 
I should say rather, degraded, into a party ensign ! These things are 
going on in the midst of us, and around us. I do not take upon me to 
say whether these things are right, or wrong ; but I do say, that if these 
things are lawful in the ministers of one denomination, I, as the minister 
of another, ought to stand acquitted of blame in merely defending the 
rights of conscience and of education, by means which the laws of God 
sanction, which the laws of my country authorize and approve. These 
things, sir, I have written while under the threat of assassination. 
These things are true. They may assail Bishop Hughes in the public 
press; they may assail him in the pulpit; they may assail him in the 
public assembly ; they may proscribe, and persecute him, as they please : 
but neither living, nor dead, I trust, will they be able to fix upon his 
name the stigma of one act, or of one sentiment, unworthy of what he 
claims to be — a minister of the Christian and Catholic Church, and a cti- 
izen of the United States. In entering upon the discussion of education, 
I supposed that I should be supported by the countenance of all good 
men, as the friend of my country. You said that the Catholics, particu- 
larly those of Irish birth, were ignorant, and -as a consequence of igno- 
rance, disorderly. I wished them to become educated, and as a conse- 
quence, orderly. Was this wrong ? Do you say they have no right to 



19 

be educated ? The laws have more honorably thought, and more wisely 
too, decided that they have a right. Do you say, that in being educated 
they must give up their religious convictions ? The laws sanction no 
such dangerous principle. 

A few words more in reference to those who have so long and so un- 
justly assailed me, and I shall have done. And first of all, I can say 
with truth, that there is not an unforgiving thought in my mind in refer- 
ence to any of them. Many of them have been deceived ; and, although, 
in the melancholy events which have occurred, an awful responsibility 
rests upon those who have been guilty of the deception — still even them 
I leave to the merciful, but just judgment of the Creator. Of them all I 
have not deemed it necessary to mention more than two — and toward these 
I have not an unkind feeling. But this shall not prevent my saying what 
is necessary to put myself and them right before the public. These two 
are, as has been more than once stated, James Gordon Bennett and Wm. 
L. Stone. Of Mr. Stone I have little to say. It is not for me to enter 
into any analysis of a character so well known as his, and so generally 
respected. Neither shall I inquire into the motives which could have 
prompted him, through apparent zeal for his own religion, or hostility to 
mine, to put himself in the company and in the position in which this letter 
exhibits him. 

Of Mr Bennett I have a far different opinion. Considering his talents ; 
his want of principle ; and the power of doing mischief which circumstan- 
ces have placed within his reach, I regard him as decidedly ihe most dan- 
gerous man, to the peace and safety of a community, that I have ever 
known, or ever read of. This opinion is formed on grounds altogether 
distinct from his peculiar enmity toward myself. But confining the proof 
of my observation, to what has occurred within my own knowledge and 
experience, I have but to call the reader's attention to a few facts. When 
the public press had recovered a little from the the shock produced by his 
burlesque report, and malignant comment, on the occurrence at Carroll 
Hall, there was, of course, that reaction which is indicative of candid 
minds, and just feelings. This operated as a rebuke to the author of the 
deception, but he would not be foiled. He then represented, that a large 
portion of the respectable Catholics of New- York were unanimous in their 
censure of my conduct. He fomented what was termed an indignation 
meeting, of persons calling themselves Catholics — but who were little 



20 

known in their churches, as sucli — persons who affected to bo first ra 
Irishmen, and almost furious Catholics, once or twice a-year, generally 
week or ten days before an election, in the hope of receiving some co 
temptible little office, which might save them from the necessity of hone ' 
but honorable industry. During the discussion of the School question 
without being aware of it, had destroyed their influence ; and Bennf ' 
judging correctly of their discontent, thought to use them for the purpo 
of sowing division in the flock committed to my charge. Fie was foik 
in this too. But nothing daunted, I next discovered him in the sanctuan' 
itself — like the serpent in Paradise — endeavoring to sow discord amonii 
my clergy, and to seduce two of them, even by name, into alienation frori 
their duty to God, and toward their Bishop. In this, too, he was foiled, ami 
publicly rebuked from their own pens, for his audacity. I know not whsil 
purposes of revenge, mortification like this may have engendered in thli 
mind of such a man as Mr. Bennett ; but the public are witnesses of thi: 
malignity with which he has not ceased to pursue me up to this hour. 11 
he were even more depraved or less despised, he would not be so dan:^ 
gerous ; but, being without any fixed principle of good, he occupies tha: 
ambiguous position which renders him too contemptible for notice, and ye( 
not sufficiently so, to be below the power of mischief. If you notice hi 
slanders, and convict him of them, people will say that you lose your la 
bor; in as much as "nobody believes what Bennett says." If you dc 
not, your enemies will take them up, as undeniable — asserted in the news 
papers — or as Col. Stone adroitly expressed it, " taken from a mornint 
print." Such is a portion of my experience of the danger to the commu- 
nity, from the power of sowing discord and producing evil, no less thar 
that of winging the " poisoned arrow" into the hearts of families, pos- 
sessed by Mr. Bennett. How he has ever employed tliese powers, others 
who have had similar experience, need not be told. Yet dangerous and 
degraded as he is, I shall meet him for once, if he dares to give his name 
in contradicting any one of the above propositions, which I have laid down 
as so many facts. And if he do not dare to meet me, then I consign him 
to a lower depth of infamy than he has yet reached. There is one othei 
matter, however, which I cannot pass over in silence ; and it is that, du- 
ring the political excitement, carried to a high and dangerous pitch, among 
those who have made you, sir, Mayor of New- York, no man was so active 
in fanning the embers of social and civil discord into a conflasrration of 



21 

1 y, as Mr. Bennett. I am not a politician : but I profess to know some- 
ng of the laws, as well as the weakness and depravity of human nature, 

■) d one of its moral laws is, that whenever there is a combination for the 
rpose of denouncing any particular class of men, the effect will be to 
ive the assailed into combination also. This was the eifect which I 

t eaded among the Catholic people of New-York, whether of native or 

r^'eign origin. And while I was laboring, as I have already described, 
defeat this result, Mr. Bennett was flinging among them as a fire-brand 
; denunciations that were uttered in the meetings of the Native Ameri. 

lojns. Not only were these denunciations against myself, but against the 

)i .tholic Churches of the city. I remember the proceedings of one meet- 
r in particular, as reported in the Herald ; I recollect distinctly the 
5ech of one orator, who with violent gestures proclaimed, " that there 
re dungeons under St. Patrick's Cathedral, and that these could he intended 
no other purpose than the imprisonment and torture of the Protestant 
listers of the city, when the Catholics gained the ascendency." I quote 
; substance, if not the very language of the report. Since your elec- 
n, I have been told that the whole of this meeting, and this atrocious 
iiguage, was a fabrication of Bennett's own ! But how were the Cath- 
cs of the city to know this 1 
You, sir, who must know something of human nature, need not be in- 

jJcmed, that in all of social outbreaks, particularly of a riotous character, 
p moral incendiary first fires the passions, and then the victims of those 

(, flamed passions are prepared to apply the torch or wield the murderous 
strument against the objects of their fury. Read again, if you please, 
e passage above quoted, proceeding from a meeting of Native Ameri - 
ns, published in twenty or thirty thousand copies of the Herald, and cast 
rth on the population of the city, at a time of extraordinary excitement 
id deplorable bitterness of feeling — be pleased to read it again, I say ; 
id, weighing these circumstances, make up your mind as to the effects 
hich it was calculated, if not intended, to produce. It was calculated 
destroy social confidence — produce feelings of rage on one side, and of 
venge on the other ; and among the least enlightened portion of the 
immunity of all sides, to produce that swelling up of bad passions which 
ti additional drop might have caused to overflow, breaking down every 
arrier, and leaving our fair city a scene of desolation, such as perhaps 
le world has never seen before. If the American Republicans held this 



22 

language, are they not utterly inexcusable? But if they did not hold ii, 
and if it was a fabrication of Bennett's own in their name, then, sir, have 
I not said well, that he is the most dangerous man to the peace of the 
community that I have ever known, or even read of? If, during the 
crisis through which we have passed, one spark had been produced from 
the embers of strife which this man was fanning — if, owing to the insults 
on one side and the instinct of mingled self-preservation and revenge on 
the other — a collision had taken place, and all who had been inflamed on 
either side, feeling called upon, should rush to the support of their friends, 
I shudder at the contemplation of what might have been the consequences. 

Alas ! alas ! sir, that men cannot be content to worship God according 
to the dictates of their conscience, without preventing their fellow-mortals 
from enjoying the same privilege. On the school question, notliing more 
than the recogznied legal rights of conscience has been claimed for the 
Catholic children. These rights, the Catholics, even under the most in- 
tolerant governments have never given up, and never will relinquish. 
They have been deprived of them by intolerant laws. If the American 
people are willing to enact such laws, we shall submit to pains and pen- 
alties. We interfere with no other denomination of citizens — we wish 
them to enjoy the same privileges that we claim for ourselves. Is not 
this the principle of the American Government ? Is it not the pride, 
and the boast, and the glory of the American people ? And if it be all 
this, why is it that Americans are opposed to it ? 

I, sir, am not a man of strife and contention. My disposition is, I trust, 
both pacific and benevolent. As a proof of this, I may mention that I 
have never had a personal altercation with a human being in my life — 
that I have never had occasion to call others — or be called myself before 
any civil tribunal of the earth. It is true, that public duty has not unfre- 
quently forced upon me the necessity of taking my stand in moral oppo- 
sition to principles which I deemed injurious and unjust. But even then, 
I trust, I have made the distinction which Christian feeling suggests, be- , 
tween the cause and the person of the advocate arrayed against me. And 
though I have sometimes perhaps been severe on my opponents, I trust, 
that it proceeded not from any malice in the heart — it came on me rather 
as a species of intellectual indignation at witnessing bad logic employed 
to defend worse bigotry. 

Even in this communication, I may have done some injustice to the 



^' 



23 

srsons whose names I have mentioned. I have not had an opportunity 
consulting a single document. What I have said regarding myself, 
ssts upon my own interior consciousness ; what I have said in the w^ay 
' opinion, must of course rest upon the accuracy of my judgment, and 
lUst partake of its imperfections. But I have stated some things as facts, 
erely on the strength of my memory, and if these should not be in reality 
5 1 have stated, then do I willingly retract them — for I have no disposi- I, 

3n to do injustice to any man. Of these statements, one is that Colonel 
tone in quoting from Bennett, suppressed the name of his author, and in- 
ead of it, put in the phrase " A Morning Print." Another is, the attack 
J this Mr. Bennet on Mrs. Daniel 'O'Connell. This I never saw, but 
ve no doubt in my own mind of its existence and of its character, 
nother still is, the fabrication of the incendiary speech by Bennett, from 
hich a quotation has been given — as having been made by the Native 
mericans. I do not say that it is a fabrication, but of course, the par- 
es interested can easily determine the fact. 
With high respect, sir, 

I have the honor to remain. 

Your obedient servant, 
t JOHN HUGHES, Bishop of New-York. 
New-Yokk, May 17th, 1844. 



-- 



.. A LET TEE • • 



ON 



THE MORAL CAUSES 



THAT HATE PRODUCED 



THE EVIL SPIRIT OF THE TIMES. 



ADDRESSED TO 



THE HONORABLE JAMES HARPER, 

MAYOR OFNEW-YORK. 



INCLUDING 



A YINDICATION OF THE AUTHOR 



F R O JM THE 



INFAMOUS CHARGES MADE AGAINST HIM BY JAMES GORDON BENNETT, 
WILLIAM L. STONE, AND OTHERS. 



BY THE RIGHT REV, DR.. HUGHES, 

BISHOP OF NEW-YORK. 






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MPORTANT TO rARWCEHS AiffD GARDENERS, 

THE A^MERICAN 

AGEICULTURISTVS iVLMANAC 

POR 184 4. 

EDITED BY A. B. ALLEN, ESQ., 

ASSISTED BY AN ASSOCIATION OF EMINENT AGRICULTURISTS. 

This important and valuable work is the most complete, in a!! i(5 departments, of any Almanac ever got up 
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